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CMEP Analysis of the Obama-Netanyahu Washington Summit May 18: What Happened and What Next? ~ May 20, 2009 ~
written by Warren Clark, Executive Director of CMEP
-- Would there be agreement on the goal of
Israel-Palestinian peace based on creation of a Palestinian state, the
so-called two state solution? -- Would there be links agreed between progress on
limiting Iran’s nuclear program and progress on peace with the Palestinians?
-- Would there be agreement on stopping the expansion of
Israeli settlements into Palestinian territory or in relieving the
humanitarian and security problems in Gaza? The result was: no. Meetings between heads of government
are almost always “successful.” In the case of Obama and Netanyahu, the
meeting had to take place given the importance of the two countries to each
other, notwithstanding the known differences, so the pressure was on. The
meeting was full of expressions of good will and cooperation, but
fundamental gaps were not bridged. On peace with Palestinians, President Obama said
clearly that the creation of a Palestinian State, the two state solution, is
in U.S. security interests. This is a strong statement by a U.S. President.
He pointedly repeated three times that “all the parties:” (i.e., including
Israel) have to “take seriously” the “obligations” they undertook in the
Road Map and as discussed extensively at the Annapolis conference in 2007 to
allow Palestinians to govern themselves as an independent state and meet the
aspirations of their people. Prime Minister Netanyahu never used the words “two state
solution” or “Palestinian state”. Instead, he said he wants to negotiate
with Palestinians immediately, wants “peace”, and does not want to govern
Palestinians. However, self-governance could be something far less that an
independent state. He did not say negotiations would be about final status
issues as discussed between Israeli and Palestinian negotiators in the past.
On Iran, there was careful dancing around the
question of Iran’s nuclear program. The President said the U.S. will seek to
persuade Iran not to acquire nuclear “weapons” and would use “a range of
steps”, including sanctions, to persuade Iran. Netanyahu characterized the
President as saying he opposed Iranian “nuclear military capability” and was
leaving “all options on the table”. Possession of weapons is not the same as
possessing “military capability.” Many countries possess no nuclear weapons
but do have advanced nuclear capability that could be used to develop
weapons. The Obama administration may be looking for international IAEA
safeguards that would effectively prevent Iran from moving secretly to
production of nuclear weapons. By the same token, the phrase “leaving all options on the
table” as used by Netanyahu was understood under the administration of
President George W. Bush to include military intervention. In fact Obama
said there could be a “range of steps, including stronger international
sanctions”. This formulation suggests that the military intervention policy
option is not under consideration by the U.S. at this time as it seeks an
accommodation with Iran. Further, an Israeli military attack on Iran without
U.S. agreement would seem to entail unacceptable political risks for Israel.
Additionally the U.S. recently said it believes Israel
should join the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), thus touching on the
hitherto taboo subject of Israel’s own nuclear program. One can imagine a
scenario where Israeli adherence to the NPT might be the price for an IAEA
agreement that would preclude secret weapon development in Iran. Timing. The President cautioned against setting
“artificial deadlines”, but perhaps in response to Congressional pressure
for a timeline on engagement with Iran he agreed to review progress in
negotiations at the end of this year. Linkages. A sensitive issue has been Netanyahu’s
past insistence that there should be progress on the Iranian problem before
there could be negotiations with Palestinians. The President said pointedly
not only did he not think that progress with Iran was needed before
negotiating with the Palestinian, but that the causality actually runs the
other way: progress in talks with the Palestinians would help in talks with
Iran and also undermine Iran’s influence with Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas
in Gaza. Further, he said diplomacy with each was important independently of
the other and should not be linked. Settlements and Gaza. The president said that under
the Road Map agreement and Annapolis “settlements have to be stopped.” Just
before the meeting with Obama the government of Israel announced permits for
new settlements construction in Maskiyot in the Jordan Valley, far to the
east of the separation barrier. No doubt the timing of the announcement was
not coincidental, illustrating that the settler movement is alive and well
on the Israeli political scene, notwithstanding the views of a U.S.
President. The President also highlighted the need to deal with the
smuggling of weapons into Gaza , but said as well that the hopelessness in
Gaza caused by the border closures and restrictions on consumption and
construction is “not a recipe for Israel’s long term security.” In his remarks, the Prime Minister did not mention
settlements or Gaza, but focused almost exclusively on the threat from Iran
and terrorism. What, then was accomplished by this meeting? The
two new government leaders are now fully engaged, and the issue of a future
Palestinian state has been reopened. The President is now committed to
pressing ahead for Middle East peace starting with the Israel-Palestinian
conflict. He has laid down a clear marker that the two state solution of
Israel and a Palestinian state living together in peace and security is in
U.S. security interest. Netanyahu agreed that progress with the
Palestinians did not depend on progress with Iran, but he also gave away
little from his previous positions. Intense diplomatic activity will continue in coming weeks
leading up to a major speech by President Obama. In Cairo on June 4, the
President is expected to expand the policy horizon to examine U.S. relations
with the Muslim world and the Middle East region, of which strong U.S.
advocacy for Israel-Palestinian peace can be expected to be a cornerstone.
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